Lalon & Sufism

Sufism in Bengal took root by blending Islamic teachings with local religious traditions, mostly informally.  By the 17th-18th centuries, Sufi cults had adopted local yogic and meditative practices to appeal to Bengali communities, though theologically speaking, it may have distanced themselves from their core faith structure.

Thus, the Baul–Fakir tradition emerged as a popular mystic movement which was popular among the non-literate and more “Moromi” than strictly monotheistic variations of dualism. Bauls were wandering minstrels mixing Vaishnavism, Tantra, and Shahjiya. Sufism was an add-on as far as mysticism and concept of “merging with the divine (Fanaa)” went, but in terms of Islamic theology, there would be problems with many Tantric practices and ideas. However, the peaceful co-existence of all informal religions was a fact of Baulism, and Sufism was part of that.

Most sources say Lalon Shah fell ill with smallpox on a pilgrimage and was abandoned by his family. A local Muslim weaver family took him in, and after healing, he returned home to his wife and mother. However, as he had had food in a Muslim home, Hindu social custom made him a pariah, and he returned to his saviours in Kushtia.

Here he became a disciple of a Baul saint, Siraj Sain, in the village of Cheuriya, who became his guru. After his death, Lalon set up his own akhra on the banks of the Kaliganga River. And the next phase of his journey began.

Baul and Fakir Traditions

In Bengal, the terms Baul and Fakir often overlap but originally had different connotations.  Baul became a general label for wandering mystics and minstrels, whether Hindu or Muslim. Fakir (or Faqir) typically refers to Muslim ascetics in the Sufi tradition. Fakirs and Sadhus were common in Bengal and powerful too, as one can see from the Fakir-Sannyasin movement, the first anti-colonial resistance in 1760. However, few fakirs were Bauls, and most followed their rural version of traditional Islam.

By the early 19th century, Wahabism, inspired by the fundamentalist Islam of Saudi Arabia, had become a strong movement in Bengal aimed at the tax-collecting classes. Thus, Islam had become a potent political force that the British recognised.

Sufism of the Bengal rural variety was present socially, not politically and popular among the marginalised rather than the mainstream. It was more cultural than socio-political. So, peasants supported Wahabis when it was bread and butter issues, and chatted on Sufism when they were in a more mystic mood.

Lalon himself insisted on the title Fakir, aligning with the Muslim ascetic tradition; some of his close disciples said that they were Fakirs and not Bauls. At the same time, he embraced a syncretic approach by saying that if the Vedas are on the right, the Quran is on the left, and the Fakir’s path is in the middle. In Lalon’s words, this motto symbolised a path that acknowledged both Hindu and Muslim scriptures but transcended sectarian divisions. His community freely sang the Aṣṭapadi (Vaishnava hymns) and chanted Sufi zikr (remembrance of God) in the same gatherings.  Lalon’s circle blended Vaishnava devotion and Islamic mysticism into a unified practice, but whether this was theologically contradictory is another matter.  Given the fluid, informal nature of Baul thoughts, just about anything could be incorporated.

Teachings and Beliefs

Lalon’s teachings emphasised an inner, experience-based spirituality and used symbolic language. His musical practice drew on Sahajiya and Tantric Buddhist influences as well as Sufi terms.  For example, he used the Sufi idea of fana (annihilation of the ego),” Rabbanā (Lord), and Latifa (subtle heart element) into his lyrics.

Lalon’s philosophy was strongly anti-ritualist. He rejected blind adherence to religious law (Shariat) or to caste hierarchies. In one song, he questions the value of renouncing the world for an uncertain afterlife, asking rhetorically, “How can you be an ascetic when Hindus and Muslims are divided? … Heaven seems like a jail.” His verses frequently denounce caste discrimination. For example, he is quoted as saying, “If I could catch caste in my hand, I would burn it with fire.” Such attitudes made his teachings controversial to both conservative Muslims and Hindus.

Lalon regarded all divine manifestations as the same.  In his symbolic wordplay, he connected Arabic letters and holy names: one quatrain equates the letter Alif with Allah, Mim with the Prophet Mohammad, and Lam with Adam. The verse says, “Alif is Allah, Mim is Rasul (Prophet), Lam has dual meanings – one in Shariat, the other in Marfat [spiritual truth]”. Elsewhere, he suggests that Allah, Adam (the first human), and Muhammad are united within each person. Such metaphors show Lalon’s use of Sufi terminology (like Nur-e-Muhammad, the Light of Muhammad) packaged in Tantric imagery.

He even composed nabi-gan (songs in praise of the Prophet) and incorporated Quranic phrases into his kirtan-style music. At the same time, he applied the idea of incarnation (avatarism) to Hindu figures: for instance, he counted the 15th-century Vaishnava saint Chaitanya Mahaprabhu as an avatar of Krishna, paralleling his view of Muhammad as a divine incarnation.

Despite the mystical aspects, Lalon’s outlook was not otherworldly. He did not promote withdrawing from society; in fact, he insisted that true devotion lies in serving the “simple man” here and now. One of his teachings is that recognising the divine in ordinary life brings immediate spiritual realisation, rather than seeking abstractions beyond the world. In this sense, his approach fused Sufi devotion with a kind of radical humanism: the “lover” and “beloved” of classical Sufi poetry (the devotee and the Divine) were unified through the body and everyday life.

Social Context and Reception

Lalon and his followers came largely from Bengal’s poorest rural communities – lower-caste Hindus and landless Muslim peasants, weavers and boatmen. Unlike some Sufi Shaykhs of urban background, Lalon’s circle was firmly rooted in village life. Lalon’s songs often voice the sorrows and struggle of poor folk. For instance, one verse compares life to navigating a broken boat in endless rain. Such references made his message resonate widely among the rural masses.

Such views also brought conflict with the formal religious establishments. Orthodox clerics viewed Lalon’s ideas as heretical. In the mid-19th century, Bengal saw a growing influence of reformist movements like Wahhabism as they were linked to the socio-economic resistance movements of the peasantry and the rural higher classes against colonialism.

Wahhabi-leaning clerics in Bengal denounced Lalon’s rejection of Shariat-based law and his allegorical statements equating Allah, Muhammad and Adam. They reportedly issued fatwas against Lalon and his followers, urging their suppression. At the same time, upper-caste Hindus considered his anti-caste, anti-idolatry message harmful too. It was, in essence, a conflict between the formal and concrete and the informal and fluid versions of faith practices.

Despite this, Lalon’s akhra in Cheuriya became a refuge for people disillusioned with orthodoxy. His gatherings attracted not only the poorest villagers but also lower-class converts and outcasts. Over time, however, perceptions of Lalon shifted. In the late 19th and early 20th century, Rabindranath Tagore and other urban intellectuals took an interest in Baul culture. Tagore, whose family estate included Lalon’s region, published many of his songs in literary magazines. Influenced by these encounters, Tagore even adopted Baul attire and called himself a “Rabindra Baul.” Tagore’s romantic portrayals helped bring Lalon’s music to a broader audience.