Folk belief structures in Bengal have survived all the waves of formal religions that have come their way, incorporating them into their own construct. It has a long history of animist beliefs, dating back to the period when human habitation began in the region. The Aryans introduced their more formal, Vedas-based structure to Bengal around the second century. Buddhism emerged soon after, followed by Islam and colonial modernity under British rule, but as evidence shows, syncretistic folk beliefs and structures have withstood such influences.
Each layer of formal belief structures has expanded the reach and range of folk belief structures. Hence, religious syncretism became a standard norm that has preserved many cultural influences, both tangible and intangible, among the people of this land.
Folk beliefs are focused on protection from evil and the promotion of livelihood at both personal and collective levels. And with each social layer, this has grown. Thus, what the deities and spirits supposedly did for Hindus is also done for the Muslims by pirs and fakirs.
For example, “Bon durga”-protector in the jungle- in the Sundarbans becomes “Bon bibi” for the Muslims. “Bhoot” and “shakchunni” –ghosts and apparitions become “jinns” for the Muslims. Boli(sacrifice), bhog (feast) and “qurbani” offer thanks and seek divine protection through ritual sacrifice of animals and feasts in one form or other by all.
Women are expected to follow specific rules while menstruating. Both Hindus and Muslims believe that women who are menstruating are supposed to be impure during that period. If a woman is childless, it is believed she can be cured through prayers, the guidance of holy men, and by visiting shrines. Thus, Hindu women who are childless visit the temple of Shiva, as they believe that this will cure them of their childlessness. Similarly, Muslims visited the shrines of Muslim saints, believing that the deceased saints could bring good luck and bring then children. (Hossain, 2017).
In fact, when it comes to seeking child, Hindu and Muslims often visit multi-religious shrines.
Many Muslims also consider the written words of the Quran holy and capable of warding off evil, and verses are hung on the wall or worn as a tabij-talisman – on the arm. Putting a black spot on children’s foreheads to ward off evil is another such practice. Essentially, for a largely non-literate resource-poor population, any access to support –natural or supernatural- that protects them is accepted, and religious orthodoxy is not an issue (Folk Beliefs and Practices, 2021)
Rural Religious Movements: The Left Outs
During the 19th century, the massive socio-economic changes initiated by colonialism brought not only prosperity but also conflict. The need for collective strategizing to sustain power by those who could be broadly described as the local colonial middle class was high. It was often driven by colonial ideas or western ideas so looking down on rural and local ideas and traditions was natural. In many ways, it was a celebration of the advantages of colonial collaboration, the welcoming of Western ideas, and a declaration of a new identity closer to the colonial masters,
The initiatives taken by these urban, educated elites as expected were urban-based and, obviously so, as the source of their economy was Kolkata-based mercantile capitalism of the colonial variety. The Kolkata-based cultural/ social movements, sometimes referred to as the Bengal Renaissance, did produce a movement, upholding Western ideas and values that benefited the colonial status quo. However, its appeal though to a significant class segment, was limited. Most notably, the tone was strictly about the concerns of the educated local middle class, leaving out the rest, including the rural middle class and people with low incomes or in the periphery.
Some critics have said that the movement could not establish a non-sectarian, universal humanitarian structure, but that was not its purpose. Initially, it did well, but the proponent’s faced challenges as the economy began to change with new entrants, peasant resistance against taxation in rural areas, and the still simmering resentment of the overthrown feudal system, which ultimately ended with their violent swan song, the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857.
Thus, the Bengal Renaissance and similar efforts became a cultural movement of a relatively small elite, with policies that would not significantly benefit the peasants. Thus, folk beliefs had no reason to shift away. What, did happen was the rise of political Islam through the Faraizi and Wahabi movements, which were essentially aimed at the new landlords’ class and was powered by the older regime remnants using religious lexicography.
Bauls and Rural Bengal
Baulism emerged as one of the many “Lokyata” /folk sects from the soil of Bengal and can be termed the cultural production of an informal rural society. There are many debates about its origin, and though some attribute a specific time, date, and names of its founders, they are in the minority. Most scholars say, various social streams existed throughout history that could collectively be called the folk informal stream.
In nineteenth-century Bengal, such streams grew stronger and reached the urban mainstream, and the middle-class, educated world of Bengal came to hear of it, with attention drawn to Fakir Lalon Shah and the Bauls. This was accomplished by a group of influential social and intellectual leaders from both the middle and upper classes, including Rabindranath Tagore, Bengal’s most eminent personality to date, whose role in bringing Lalon to prominence is the most significant.
Folk socio-cultural movements have always been a challenge of sorts to the authority of classical religious ideas, as one is formal drawing upon doctrines, and the other is informal drawing upon centuries of traditional practices. However, folk sects over time adopt elements from formal religions and incorporate them into their own construct, making them part of the folk sect as well. This was no different in Bengal or the case of the Bauls. They are produced through a historical process, not by an epiphany of a doctrinal nature.
Rural-based proto-religious sects had several roots, including social resistance against orthodoxy, such as caste structures, and a reaction to the impact of colonialism. However, it never directly confronted colonialism like the Fakir-Sannyasins of 1760 or the orthodox Islamic groups, such as the Wahabis and Faraizis, from the early 19th century onwards. Nevertheless, as socio-economically marginalized, they had no reason to be soft on colonialism.
It was more like socio-cultural groups, opposing traditional orthodoxy, social oppression and rural inequality.
There are many sects within the major religious groups, but they don’t form distinct identities as they remain within the same socio-economic structures. Without an economic base and dependent on donations and charities, the Bauls, like other folk sects of that time, were free to develop a separate stream, often called a ‘minor religion. The local villagers and later the local landlords patronised them, as the Bauls never actively contested anyone.
The Bauls, led by Lalon, are the most well-known, and rural society activist and journalist Kangal Harinath and the Tagore family, who were local landlords, mentioned them as belonging to a “new religion” of sorts.
They did so based on their reading of conventional religions, but the kind of mixed and new identity such folk sects displayed was common in Bengal. These “sub-communities” were higher in the Nadiya–Kushtia region and have remained the most well-known.
Apart from the Bauls, other notable groups include the Balahadis, Kartabhajas, Matiyas, Sahebdhanis, Jagomohanis, and Nyadas, which are found in both West Bengal and current Bangladesh.
A Brief Note on A Few Groups
Balahari: Balaram Hadi (1780-1845) of Meherpur, Kushtia, established this group. “The ideal of the Balaharami is to lead a pure and simple life, giving up greed and sensuality. They believe that praying is the most important ritual and the universe is the body of God” (Balaram Hari, n.d.). Hindus refer to their God as Hadirama, whereas Muslims refer to their all-powerful God as Hadi-Allah. They are still present in various areas of India, including Shalunigram in Bankura, Daikiari in Purulia, as well as Meherpur and Nishchintapur.
Jagomohani: This cult was established by Jagomohan Gonsai (17th century) of Baghasura in the Sylhet area, along with one of his followers, Ramkrishna. Jagomohinis live austere lives and adhere to the Vedas. They don’t worship religious symbols, and they don’t think cow dung or the “tulsi” plant is sacred. As part of their religious duties, they chant the (divine songs) Nirvan Sangit. Among their twelve sacred pilgrimages are those to Faridpur and Dhaka, as well as Machulia and Jalsukha in Sylhet.
Kartabhaja: The community was founded by Awul Chand. He had 22 followers at first. Following the principles of Awul Chand, his pupil, Ramsharan Pal (?–1783), organised the Kartabhaja society. Although there are Muslims and Hindus in the community, Hindus make up the majority, especially those from the Sadgop, Kalu, Muchi, and Vaishnava communities. Kartabhajas commemorate Laksmi Puja, Baishakhi Purnima, Dolkhela, and Dol Purnima. In their opinion, taking a dip in the Himsagar Lake is just as holy as taking one in the Ganges.
In Sylhet, there is a Vaishnava community called Kishoribhajan. Nonetheless, they are adherents of the Sahajiya cult and reject traditional Vishnu doctrine. They perform songs and dances inspired by the Radha-Krishna tale in their gathering spots. Each male member initiates a female partner in the art of love. The followers are also taught by a mentor known as the “dikhsha-guru.” Nama (the name of God), mantra (mystical phrases), bhava (essence), prema (love), and rasa (sentiment) are the five things they hold the highest.
Matuya: This religion was founded by Sri Harichand Thakur of Urakandi in Faridpur (now Gopalganj). It was organised with the assistance of his son, Sri Guruchand, and both are highly esteemed. “Matta or matoyara,” which means absorbed, is the root of the word “matuya.” Universal humanism, social welfare, honesty, compassion for animals, self-help, and proclaiming the name of God are some of the twelve principles that the Matuya adhere to. Like the Bauls, songs are an essential component of their worship. The primary adherents of this cult are the scheduled castes of the districts of Faridpur and Khulna.
Nyada: This community was established by Birbhadra, son of Nityananda. The Nyada are more like the Bauls and Vaishnavas in terms of attire and customs. They use the words “Bir Abadhut” and “Haribol” as mantras. They hold a stick and a coconut shell in one hand, carry cloth shoulder bags, and wear loose, patched, multicoloured robes and headgear. They rely on alms to survive. The districts of Birbhum and Dhaka are home to them.
Sahebdhani: The village of Dogachia-Shaligram in Nadia is where the Sahebdhani community first settled. Both Muslims and Hindus founded this community, while its true founder is unclear. There are no castes or creeds among the Sahebdhani. Every Thursday, they believe in congregational prayers. They refer to Dinadayal and Dinabandhu as their spiritual mentors. They engage in some esoteric sexual practices. On the banks of the Jalabgi River, in the village of Brittihuda, they celebrate Baisakhi Purnima with an annual festival and mela, a fair.
Their mutual familiarity is evident, indicating that these sects do not represent distinct identities but rather are a part of the larger socio-religious movements in rural Bengali areas. These movements aim to address issues of religious orthodoxy and socio-economic oppression while also expressing the sentiments of informal faith practices that have survived for several hundred years.
Author
Afsan Chowdhury